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  • donako_99
    05-19 12:00 PM
    I have attended Toronto consulate on Apr 18th for my 7th yr h1b stamping. I have i140 approval. The consul gave me 221g yellow form and later received 2 emails asking for some documents which I submitted. I still have not heard any response and I understand it could take months before I get any answer. My question is can I leave Canada and go to India while the process is in review and come back to Canada if and when my H1b stamping is approved. I have multiple entry visa to Canada so I could potentially come back. My question is can I leave Canada while my visa is under process and would it have any affect?

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  • sdckkbc
    09-23 05:12 PM
    My Original PERM labor certificate was lost in mail so we filed my I-140 without the PERM LC and asked USCIS to obtain the certificate from DoL. USCIS got the labour certificate from DoL and sent the original LC to us as an RFE to get my employer's and my signature on the perm certificate. My employer by mistake signed the labor certificate where I was supposed to sign :(. We have now covered his sign with white paint and I would be signing at correct place and sending back to USCIS. Do you think any white ink or over writing on original PERM certificate would matter in adjudication of my 140?

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  • dbevis
    June 11th, 2005, 02:48 PM
    I like the lower left one best, but I think it is a bit under exposed.

    Does Alien registration number on I-131 means 140 approval [Archive] - Immigration Voice

    View Full Version : Does Alien registration number on I-131 means 140 approval

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  • saravanaraj.sathya
    07-30 03:32 PM
    You will be able to move to a different employer with better job with better pay. If you are happy with ur current job still it cant proect you if ur current employer gors out of business and fires you.

    What are the benefits? Please explain.


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  • chanduv23
    09-13 12:11 PM
    Please see this letter sent by governors of 13 states to the Senate and Congress on 09-11-07.

    Old news - this is the one Arnold put up on his website few days back

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  • Blog Feeds
    02-08 06:10 PM
    My friend Dan Kowalski linked today to an article in the Detroit Free Press about Naji Chammout, a Lebanese native who has been waiting on his citizenship application to be approved for ten years years. That might surprise people when they learn that Chammout volunteered for the US Army in 2004 when he was a green card holder and served as a translator to top American military commanders in Iraq. He sold his Louisiana gas station for the chance to serve his adopted country and went to some of the most dangerous places in the war zone. US Army Brigadier...

    More... (


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  • Saikrishna
    08-20 04:03 PM
    NJ, NY Guys,

    Please be prepared to come for the Sept 18 rally at DC...please inform to IV CORE TEAM asap who are "REALLY" interested in attending rally.



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  • GCisLottery
    07-18 11:25 AM
    Listen to this:

    Two women who have been longtime employees in a Pittsburgh federal building, as cafeteria workers, are back on the job. They had been fired and told they failed to pass their national security background check.

    In the middle you will hear:
    Someone "misread" the social security number

    This is not related to GC, but gives a glimpse of the quality of security background check. May be compared to FBI name check.


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  • ckarri
    02-27 03:43 PM
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  • nk29
    05-26 10:37 AM

    I am a I-485 EB waiter and applied before August 18th. So I have to pay a fee fo 305 dollars. However when I went to check the I-131 instructions for e-filing, i could not find any information if we are eligible to e-file?

    has anybody e-filed Advance parole.


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  • Macaca
    11-24 09:21 PM
    In Bush’s Last Year, Modest Domestic Aims ( By SHERYL GAY STOLBERG | New York Times, November 24, 2007

    WASHINGTON, Nov. 23 — As President Bush looks toward his final year in office, with Democrats controlling Congress and his major domestic initiatives dead on Capitol Hill, he is shifting his agenda to what aides call “kitchen table issues” — small ideas that affect ordinary people’s lives and do not take an act of Congress to put in place.

    Over the past few months, Mr. Bush has sounded more like the national Mr. Fix-It than the man who began his second term with a sweeping domestic policy agenda of overhauling Social Security, remaking the tax code and revamping immigration law. Now, with little political capital left, Mr. Bush, like President Bill Clinton before him, is using his executive powers — and his presidential platform — to make little plans sound big.

    He traveled to the shore of the Chesapeake Bay in Maryland to announce federal protection for two coveted species of game fish, the striped bass and the red drum. He appeared in the Rose Garden to call on lenders to help struggling homeowners refinance. He came out in favor of giving the Food and Drug Administration new authority to recall unsafe foods.

    Just this weekend, thanks to an executive order by Mr. Bush, the military is opening up additional air space — the White House calls it a “Thanksgiving express lane” — to lessen congestion in the skies. And Mr. Bush’s aides say more announcements are in the works, including another initiative, likely to be announced soon, intended to ease the mortgage lending crisis.

    With a Mideast peace conference planned for the coming week and a war in Iraq to prosecute, Mr. Bush is, of course, deeply engaged in the most pressing foreign policy matters of the day. The “kitchen table” agenda is part of a broader domestic political strategy — which some Republicans close to the White House attribute to Mr. Bush’s new counselor, Ed Gillespie — for the president to find new and more creative ways of engaging the public as his days in office dwindle and his clout with Congress lessens.

    “These are issues that don’t tend to be at the center of the political debate but actually are of paramount importance to a lot of Americans,” said Joel Kaplan, the deputy White House chief of staff.

    One Republican close to the White House, who has been briefed on the strategy, said the aim was to talk to Americans about issues beyond Iraq and terrorism, so that Mr. Bush’s hand will be stronger on issues that matter to him, like vetoing spending bills or urging Congress to pay for the war.

    “It’s a ticket to relevance, if you will, because right now Bush’s connection, even with the Republican base, is all related to terrorism and the fighting or prosecution of the Iraq war,” this Republican said. “It’s a way to keep his hand in the game, because you’re only relevant if you’re relevant to people on issues that they talk about in their daily lives.”

    Mr. Bush often says he wants to “sprint to the finish,” and senior White House officials say this is a way for him to do so. The president has also expressed concerns that Congress has left him out of the loop; in a recent press conference, he said he was exercising his veto power because “that’s one way to ensure that I am relevant.” The kitchen table initiatives are another.

    Yet for a president accustomed to dealing in the big picture, talking about airline baggage handling or uniform standards for high-risk foods requires a surprising dip into the realm of minutiae — a realm that, until recently, Mr. Bush’s aides have viewed with disdain.

    After Republicans lost control of Congress a year ago, Tony Snow, then the White House press secretary, told reporters: “The president is going to be very aggressive. He’s not going to play small ball.”

    It was a veiled dig at Mr. Bush’s predecessor, Mr. Clinton, who, along with his adviser Dick Morris, developed a similar — and surprisingly effective — strategy in 1996 after Republicans took control of Congress. That approach included what Mr. Clinton’s critics called “small-ball” initiatives, like school uniforms, curfews for teenagers and a crackdown on deadbeat dads, as well as the use of executive powers to impose clean air rules, establish national monuments and address medical privacy.

    “People in Washington laughed when Mr. Clinton would talk about car seats or school uniforms,” said John Podesta, Mr. Clinton’s former chief of staff. “But I don’t think the public laughed.”

    Nor does the public appear to be laughing at Mr. Bush.

    When the president sat down at a rustic wooden desk on the shores of the Chesapeake last month to sign an executive order that made permanent a ban on commercial fishing of striped bass and red drum in federal waters, people in the capital barely took notice.

    But it was big news on the southwest coast of Louisiana, where Chris Harbuck, a 45-year-old independent financial planner and recreational angler, likes to fish with his wife and teenage children. Mr. Harbuck is also the president of the Louisiana chapter of the Coastal Conservation Association, a nonprofit group dedicated to conserving marine resources; Mr. Bush’s order is splashed all over his latest newsletter.

    “We were very thrilled with what he did,” Mr. Harbuck said.

    That is exactly the outside-the-Beltway reaction the White House is hoping for. Mr. Bush’s aides are calculating that the public, numbed by what Mr. Kaplan called “esoteric budget battles” and other Washington conflicts, will respond to issues like long airline delays or tainted toys from China. They were especially pleased with the air congestion initiative.

    “You could just tell from the coverage how it did strike a chord,” said Kevin Sullivan, Mr. Bush’s communications counselor.

    Yet some of Mr. Bush’s new initiatives have had little practical effect. Fishing for red drum and striped bass, for instance, is already prohibited in federal waters; Mr. Bush’s action will take effect only if the existing ban is lifted. And the Federal Aviation Administration can already open military airspace on its own, without presidential action.

    Democrats, like Senator Byron L. Dorgan of North Dakota, who runs the Senate’s Democratic Policy Committee, dismiss the actions as window dressing. “It’s more words than substance,” said Mr. Dorgan said, adding he was surprised to see a president who has often seemed averse to federal regulation using his regulatory authority.

    “He’s kind of a late bloomer,” Mr. Dorgan said.

    Mr. Bush, for his part, has been using the kitchen table announcements to tweak Democrats, by calling on them to pass legislation he has proposed, such as a bill modernizing the aviation administration. The message, in Mr. Sullivan’s words, is, “We’re not going to just sit back because they’re obstructing things the president wants to accomplish. We are trying to find other ways to do things that are meaningful to regular people out there.”

    Gillespie: Bush Shifts Approach As Legislative Window Closes ( By Peter Baker | Washington Post, November 30, 2007

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  • nirajnp
    06-03 01:48 PM

    I have been doing a lot of research about this online and have even heard from friends that if you transfer your H1 to H4 and apply again for H1, your new H1 application is not counted against the H1B cap. How true is it? Has some one done this before ? Is there any risk involved? Any help would be really appreciated.

    Thanks in advance.



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  • Macaca
    12-11 08:23 PM
    Bush Adviser Is Seen as Force in Spending Impasse ( By SHERYL GAY STOLBERG | NY Times, Dec 11, 2007

    WASHINGTON, Dec. 10 � Ed Gillespie made a name for himself in 1994 as a sharp-tongued pitchman for the Contract With America, the conservative Republican manifesto that catapulted his boss, Dick Armey, to power. But when Republicans shut down the government in a spending clash with President Bill Clinton, Mr. Gillespie warned it was the wrong battle to pick.

    �He understands the limits of what you can expect people to buy,� Mr. Armey explained.

    Now, after a stint as Republican National Committee chairman and a lobbying career that made him a multimillionaire, Mr. Gillespie is back in government as a street fighter and salesman for conservative ideas and the politician behind them � in this case, President Bush. Once again, he is in the thick of a budget fight between the White House and Congress.

    But this time, he is driving the confrontation.

    As the clock ticks toward a Congressional recess, with Democrats struggling to wrap 11 major spending bills into one and Mr. Bush threatening to veto the huge package, Republicans see the hand of Mr. Gillespie at work. As counselor to the president, a job he took in July, Mr. Gillespie is trying to write a new narrative for Mr. Bush, one that casts him in the role of fiscal conservative, sharpening the contrast between him and Democrats while repairing his tattered image with the Republican base.

    On Mr. Gillespie�s watch, the president�s speeches have grown shorter, his language punchier. When Mr. Bush threatens to veto a �three-bill pileup� or likens Congress to �a teenager with a new credit card,� Gillespie-watchers all over Washington say they can hear the new counselor�s voice.

    �Ed believes that one of the reasons the Republicans lost is because we had lost our way on spending,� said Pete Wehner, a former policy analyst for Mr. Bush who left the White House this spring. �He worked for Dick Armey; I think he�s a small government conservative, and I think he believes Democrats and their spending habits are a target-rich environment.�

    And Democrats have provided targets, by waiting until two months into the new fiscal year to finish their appropriations work. Mr. Bush has already vetoed Democratic measures on children�s health and Iraq war spending, and a water resources bill � all the while complaining lawmakers are wasting taxpayers� money, and scolding them like errant schoolchildren who forgot to turn in their homework.

    �Listening to this, it has Ed Gillespie�s fingerprints on it,� said John Feehery, a Republican strategist. �It�s shaping the message to pick the right fights � with a smile.�

    After two decades in Washington building up contacts on both sides of the aisle, Mr. Gillespie knows well the importance of the smile.

    He also knows when he has to take the high road, and when he does not. In 2004, as party chairman, Mr. Gillespie was nicknamed Mr. Bush�s �pit bull� for his relentless attacks on Senator John Kerry of Massachusetts.

    Mr. Gillespie rarely gives on-the-record interviews � he declined to talk for this article � and he is almost never seen on television. And careful listeners to Mr. Bush will note that the president paints �Congress,� and not �Democrats� as the villain � another Gillespie hallmark.

    �He�s a smart, shrewd operator,� said Representative Rahm Emanuel, the chairman of the House Democratic caucus, who was a senior adviser to Mr. Clinton during the 1995 budget fight. But while Mr. Emanuel said he has �nothing but respect for Ed,� he argued that, after seven years of runaway Republican spending, even a master strategist like Mr. Gillespie will have trouble remaking Mr. Bush�s image.

    �He�s $4 trillion too late,� Mr. Emanuel said.

    At 46, Mr. Gillespie is part of a core of newcomers who are seeing Mr. Bush through the end of his presidency as his Texas inner circle breaks up. Unlike his predecessor, Dan Bartlett, who spent his entire adult life working for Mr. Bush, Mr. Gillespie not a presidential intimate, but neither is he a stranger.

    In 2000, he was a member of the Gang of Six, a group of strategists for the Bush-Cheney campaign. That same year, he joined with Jack Quinn, a former White House counsel to Mr. Clinton, to found Quinn Gillespie & Associates, his lobbying firm. He earned a reported $4.75 million when he sold his share of the firm to join the White House, but he could easily pass through Washington�s revolving door yet again, earning even more after Mr. Bush leaves office.

    Mr. Gillespie�s critics say he traded on his contacts to get rich. �He�s so entwined with the Bush money machine,� said Joan Claybrook, president of Public Citizen, a watchdog group.

    But his admirers say he has not forgotten his roots. His father, an Irish immigrant, ran a mom-and-pop grocery store and later a bar in their hometown, Browns Mills, N.J. Mr. Gillespie spent his college years serving drinks and sweeping floors � experiences that, friends say, shape his work in the White House.

    Mr. Gillespie has been deeply involved in Mr. Bush�s so-called �kitchen table agenda,� of issues like consumer safety and rising mortgage rates.

    �Ed�s got a pulse on what average Americans think about,� said David Hobbs, a Republican lobbyist and a Gillespie friend.

    The week before Mr. Gillespie officially took over as counselor, Mr. Bush�s immigration bill collapsed on Capitol Hill � and with it, any real hope of bipartisan cooperation. One senior White House official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said Mr. Gillespie wasted little time.

    �It went down in defeat, and he was moving on to the next thing,� this official said. �The next thing was Iraq and the budget.�

    On Iraq, Mr. Gillespie took advantage of the Congressional recess in August to schedule a series of presidential speeches. At the time, Republicans like Senators Pete V. Domenici of New Mexico and Richard G. Lugar of Indiana were expressing deep misgivings about the war, so much so that even some White House officials thought they would lose Republican support in September. But in the end, Republicans stuck with Mr. Bush.

    On the budget, Mr. Gillespie looked back to the Republican defeat of 1995. �We saw how Clinton did it, using the power of the presidency,�� Mr. Hobbs said.

    Mr. Armey said Mr. Gillespie had argued that his party would lose because the public believed Republicans were antigovernment, �so therefore it is credible to argue Republicans shut government down.�

    He said Mr. Gillespie�s strategy was to �understand the public�s already conceived disposition,� and create a story line around it.

    That strategy was on full display in the Rose Garden last week, as Mr. Bush tapped into another preconceived notion, that lawmakers are lazy. The president opened his remarks by tweaking Democrats on the 30-second pro forma sessions they held to prevent him from making recess appointments over the Thanksgiving Day holiday.

    �If 30 seconds is a full day,� Mr. Bush said, �no wonder Congress has got a lot of work to do.�

    It was positively Gillespie-esque.

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  • senthil1
    12-27 06:07 PM
    Can do two jobs if he has 2 H1bs one for full time and other for part time

    can a person on H1B do two jobs?e.g one full time and one part time.please give advice, thanks in advance.


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  • Abhinaym
    09-16 10:45 AM
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  • Macaca
    11-13 08:06 PM
    GOP tacks right after Democratic gains ( By Martin Kady II | Politico, Nov 12, 2007

    Republicans may trail in the polls on virtually every issue, but conservative influence is surging in both chambers of Congress as the GOP tries to find its soul again.

    It�s a risky strategy to tack to the right while Democrats have momentum in most polls, but Republicans clearly believe that they need to recapture their base before they recapture the majority.

    When Republicans ran Congress, hardened fiscal conservatives often had a lone voice-in-the-wilderness feel about them.

    Whether it was Sen. Tom Coburn (R-Okla.) filibustering on earmarks or Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R-Texas) making a late-night speech about runaway government spending, the conservative caucus had a sympathetic ear from GOP leaders yet rarely prevailed on strategy or party message.

    But now that they�ve been thrust into the minority, the conservative agitators have a front-row seat with Republican leaders, and the number of lawmakers who describe themselves as conservatives continues to grow while moderates appear to be a dying breed among Republicans on Capitol Hill.

    In the House, the conservative Republican Study Committee has led the caucus in promising to sustain vetoes of children�s health care legislation and spending bills.

    In the Senate, the conservative Republican Steering Committee, led by Sen. Jim DeMint (R-S.C.), is now being invited to weekly Republican leadership meetings on appropriations, a departure from tradition.

    The top members of the Senate steering committee also had an exclusive meeting recently with President Bush, who himself is trying to launch a sort of renaissance of fiscal conservatism by vetoing popular spending bills.

    The Republican Study Committee now has 104 members, up 50 percent in the past five years.

    And 12 of the 15 Republican freshman lawmakers joined the group this year, a clear sign that the small rookie class of Republicans still believes in a conservative future, even while its party struggles nationally.

    In contrast, the moderate Republican Main Street Partnership has seen its membership decline 20 percent, from 59 lawmakers in the last Congress to 47 this year.

    And seven of those moderates are retiring, further diminishing the power of the middle.

    �We don�t need to be shy about what we believe in,� DeMint said in an interview. �We�re starting to act as Republicans around core principles, whether it�s SCHIP or earmarks.�

    Democrats are happy to see the Republicans taking a sharp right turn, believing it makes winning independents in 2008 that much easier.

    �Republicans can�t try to make fiscal responsibility their mantle when they are responsible for turning record surpluses into record deficits,� said Sarah Feinberg, spokeswoman for the House Democratic Caucus.

    �They can�t whine about earmarks when earmarks exploded under their leadership and Democrats have cut them in half and brought accountability to the earmark process.�

    The renewed influence by conservatives in the House and Senate Republican caucuses appears to be disconnected from recent poll results.

    According to a Washington Post/ABC News poll released Nov. 4, Americans favor Democrats in handling the economy, 50 percent to 35 percent, and on taxes, 46 percent to 40 percent, showing that Democrats have gained an edge on fiscal issues usually dominated by Republicans.

    Independents are also disgruntled. In a Fox News/Opinion Dynamics poll last month, 63 percent of independents disapproved of the president�s performance.

    Some Republican congressional aides privately admit that the energized push for conservative issues amounts to a �minority strategy� in which the party must reclaim its identity after being thrown out of power on Capitol Hill before making a serious run at regaining the majority.

    �The far right is not going to bring the Republican Party back to power,� said Charlie Bass, president of the Main Street Republican Partnership and a former GOP House member from New Hampshire.

    �The districts that were lost were moderate districts. The far right is big on bluster but short on results.�

    Congressional Republican leaders, meanwhile, have been coordinating their efforts with some of the leading minds of the party, including pollsters Frank Luntz and David Winston, and Pat Toomey, president of the conservative Club for Growth.

    Republican aides say they�ve also had strategy meetings with former House Speaker Newt Gingrich (R-Ga.).

    At its core, this is an effort to re-energize a party demoralized after last year�s elections.

    �We need to do a better job of communicating our core beliefs,� said Danny Diaz, a spokesman for the Republican National Committee. �We had strayed from the core beliefs that got us the majority.�

    Still, the strategy of flexing conservative credentials at the expense of the middle carries great risk.

    �The image of the party message being dictated by a small group of doctrinaire senators is not something that people at the top of the ticket are going to want,� said Ross K. Baker, a political science professor and congressional expert at Rutgers University.

    �This [strategy] springs up when a party is in the minority and prospects are bleak, so it�s unsurprising they�re having a reawakening.�

    Indeed, Republicans are finding it easier to create a unified front on spending, immigration and national security as the minority party because they don�t have to legislate, don�t control the congressional schedule and are outnumbered at virtually every turn.

    �There were times in the majority when conservatives disagreed with leadership, but there have been very few of those times this year,� said Hensarling, chairman of the Republican Study Committee.

    �There�s nothing like getting hit over the head with a two-by-four to get someone�s attention. The American people thought Republicans weren�t acting like Republicans.�

    To be sure, conservatives have always had significant influence within the Republican leadership in both chambers.

    But when it came time to cut deals on spending or to craft bipartisan legislation, they often felt like they were cut out of the process.

    Many Republicans still regret the arm twisting on their side of the aisle that led them to vote in favor of the Medicare prescription drug benefit in 2003, creating one of the biggest entitlement programs of all time.

    Now Republicans are getting their sea legs as a minority party on Capitol Hill, and their rabble-rousers serve a useful purpose in opposing the Democratic majority, especially on spending bills.

    Democrats have little chance to override any of the president�s threatened vetoes of appropriations measures, thanks in large part to Republican unity on the issue.

    �These fights on spending are important for us to re-establish our credentials,� said House Minority Whip Roy Blunt (R-Mo.). �The Democrats have made it easy for us to engage in that fight.�

    Democrats have indeed been frustrated in both chambers by Republican procedural maneuvers, but they believe voters will see this as obstructionism.

    �It became evident months ago that the only play left in their playbook was to attack Democrats on taxing and spending,� said Jim Manley, a spokesman for Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.).

    �They needed to shore up what�s left of their base. President Bush and Republicans have engaged in a hypocritical series of attacks on spending issues. The president only recently rediscovered the veto.�


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  • krish2005
    08-18 12:46 PM
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  • Blog Feeds
    06-25 05:00 PM
    The US Men's national soccer team had one of the greatest victories in its history today when it knocked off Spain, the #1 team in the world, at the Confederations Cup in South Africa. There are two immigrants on the roster for the US - Freddy Adu (who I honored after he competed with the US Olympic team last year). The other immigrant is Benny Feilhaber, a Brazilian-born American who moved to the US when he was six years old. When he is not playing on the US national team, he competes for AGF, a Danish team. Before that, he...

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  • logiclife
    03-07 11:35 AM

    08-07 04:12 AM
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    2) if I want to apply for another VISA work or Tourist... will i get?


    12-17 11:50 AM
    my current employer filed for my labor in march 2005, got approved in march 2007, filed I-140 in April 2005,and while I-140 was pending filed I-485 in july fiasco. In sep-2007 got intent to deny of I-140 based on A2P(ability to pay), employer filed M.T.R in October 2007. I have my fingered crossed looking at the financial statment from employer for the year 2005. chances are the MTR will be denied too. Now I have a new job offer from another employer who is willing to do new H1b for me and may be a labor petition too. the question is I want to see what comes out of the current MTR. Here is the question;
    1/- if I tell the current employer to contine the process(which I dont think he will have problem with) and join the job on h1b will my I-485 status be changed or will it effects the current process?
    2/- I am currently runnig on sixth year of h1b and my current visa expires in 2010 bades on the pending process with current employer. if I join the new employer on h1b what will be the H1b status will be?
    thanks for the answers in advaced

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